The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered arguably the most powerful holders of the vice-presidency in American history. Although many vice-presidents were confined to minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded huge influence during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often described as the "real president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and claimed the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a team because it suggested that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a faction of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the downing of any unresponsive airplanes approaching the government building.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, making him become focused on retaliation. In conjunction with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Debated Actions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate reports echoed by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It was the right thing to do then. I was convinced back then and I believe it today."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had written a memorandum outlining scenarios in which national priorities might be endangered (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," explicitly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the presidency vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's involvement in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a conspiracy to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
However it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement advocating attacking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were whether weak or entirely misleading. He backed what the Bush White House politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of interrogation method and torture.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney rejected the report as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place procedures to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers given to him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees emerge from his hole? This represents a nice way to work, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as VP. Although he had limited background in business but good contacts in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US deals worth substantial sums.
It made him rich. His annual income during his time at the company increased from his $258,394 during his time as military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package worth in excess of $20m|twenty
